Received the following interview of Professor Siddiq Hasan, Head of the Social Services Department of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, by Yoginder Sikand and read it with profound interest. Would be happy to get more literature on the theme of Prof. Hasan’s interview, possibly a document on ‘Vision 2016’. While agreeing with everything Prof. Hasan has said I have tried to put a few things in perspective. My comments are in blue and non-italic (Times New Roman).
A VISION FOR MUSLIM EMPOWERMENT
Having served for several years as the amir of the Jamaat-e Islami’s Kerala wing, Siddiq Hasan was appointed as the Head of the Social Service Department at the Jamaat’s national office in New Delhi. He comes across as a mild-mannered, soft-spoken man, but he bubbles with ideas, and his enthusiasm is infectious. From what he tells me and from the literature that he provides, it appears that the Jamaat-e-Islami, one of India’s most influential Islamic organizations, is increasingly seeking to seriously engage with the myriad economic and social concerns of India’s Muslims.
Although working for the social, educational and economic progress of the community has been part of the Jamaat’s mandate ever since it was established in 1941, Hasan admits that, particularly in north India, this was not given the attention it deserved till recently.
‘Frequent communal riots and bouts of anti-Muslim violence’, he says, ‘forced the Jamaat to focus particularly on relief and rehabilitation, instead of the social and economic empowerment of the community.’ This was reflected in the fact that it was only recently, in 2006, that the Jamaat decided to set up a national-level Social Service Department, whose head Hasan has been since it was established.
This Department was the brain-child of the former amir of the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, the well-known scholar ‘Abdul Haq Ansari. Aware and appreciative of the role of the Kerala branch of the Jamaat in setting up welfare-oriented educational, health and vocational training institutions in the state, he decided that the Jamaat needed to replicate these efforts at the national-level as well in an organized manner. Hassan was the obvious choice for heading this project.
To begin with, Hassan travelled extensively to gain an understanding of the social conditions and problems of Muslims in different parts of the country. On the basis of this, he devised a ten-year plan, encapsulated in a document titled ‘Vision 2016’.
A major focus of ‘Vision 2016’ is on promoting modern education for Muslims. ‘One of our basic problems is the lack of modern education,’ says Hassan. ‘That is why we want to work particularly in this area, especially in promoting quality primary and secondary education for Muslims. We need to start from the lower levels, rather than building grand, higher-level institutions that cater to the few and that involve great expense.’ ‘Vision 2016’ seeks to improve Muslim children’s school enrolment ratios, prevent drop-outs, promote the capacity of existing schools, start new schools where they do not exist, and provide career counseling and guidance services and scholarships. Work in this regard has begun. The Jamaat has identified some 100 sites across the country for constructing schools. Construction work has already commenced in some of these places.
Having read this initial part of the interview a question springs to mind namely ‘why modern education’? For better life. For being more and more skilful and suitable for the society? For earning a dignified living as healthy and respectable citizens? By joining the national life? But it is not in conformity with mostly the exclusivist ideology and literature being propagated and printed by the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind. Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan, is not quite comfortable under a 100% Muslim rule in Pakistan, inspired by the same ideology. How could its counterpart be perfectly at ease in ‘Hindustan’?
It is, however, a big – and quite appreciable – shift in policy and I wonder how with this ambitious project the Jamaat will be able to focus on its original goal of Hukoomat-e-Ilaahiyyah (Divine Government), a theocracy as envisioned by its founder, Maulana Syed Abul A‘la Maududi. While I agree with all that Prof. Hasan has said I would still like to know why this silent change of policy? It should publicly be declared that the aim of Hukoomat-e-Ilaahiyyah, as the literature of Jamaat-e-Islami tirelessly propagates, is not possible – in this time and age. If it is not possible then the Jamaat should put a full stop on the circulation of that literature and walk out of this self-contradiction.
If, however, despite the fact that the founder of Jamaat unfavourably looked at modern education, the Jamaat still seeks to promote it then it should explain how this widespread modern education will facilitate for Iqaamat-e-Deen, its avowed aim. What will be the focus of ‘career counselling and guidance services’? How those very students will take the Jamaat to the establishment of that Islamic State which it has advocated in its literature, all along? If it has given up this objective it should make it very clear to the public and should act in complete conformity with the new goal, utilizing all its resources, for better and quicker results as we are already late.
A major reason for the considerable economic and educational progress of Kerala’s Muslims, Hasan points out, is that they have invested heavily in creating community-based non-governmental institutions. ‘Vision 2016’ seeks to extend this pattern to the whole of India, an ambitious scheme that is being coordinated by the Delhi-based NGO Human Welfare Trust. Separate, smaller organizations that have been established to put ‘Vision 2016’ into action include the Human Welfare Foundation (working in the field of education), the Society for Bright Future (focusing on relief, rehabilitation and disaster management), the Medical Service Society of India (for medial aid), and the Association for the Protection of Civil Rights (dealing with human rights’ issues). Separate organizations for microfinance, Muslim women’s empowerment and promotion of Muslim entrepreneurship will also be set up soon, as also a research centre that will focus on Muslim social issues.
‘A major problem we face is that many Muslims, particularly in north India, are simply unaware of the importance of education,’ Hassan laments. He cites the case of a Muslim-run engineering college in Kerala, which, at his request, set apart ten free seats for north Indian Muslim students and agreed even to provide them with free boarding and lodging facilities. With considerable difficulty, Hassan managed to get six students — from West Bengal, Bihar and Assam — to agree to enroll in the college. Of these only two finally joined.
But it is not simply ignorance or apathy that are behind Muslim educational backwardness, especially in northern India, where the bulk of the country’s Muslims live. Hassan cites other factors in this regard, such as pervasive anti-Muslim discrimination, including at the hands of the authorities, who often refuse to recognize Muslim-run educational institutions or provide them facilities. Likewise, several private institutions refuse to admit Muslim students. For its part, the Hindutva lobby, Hassan says, has a vested interest in keeping Muslims forever bogged down in controversies and conflicts, forcing them to remain ever on the defensive. Consequently, he explains, ‘north Indian Muslims have largely been unable to set their own agenda, to focus on the work of internal reform and development, or even to think positively.’
These are oft-repeated statements. We would particularly be interested in having some more specific information about the institutions refusing to admit Muslims and on what basis as well as those departments that refuse to recognize Muslim-run educational institutions. Blame it on discrimination and on Hindutva forces as much as you can. But do not forget that we ourselves have opposed modern education. So much energy has been spent on this that if the same energy was utilized to promote the modern education we would have made bigger strides by now.
Also, whenever we come up with a ‘conspiracy theory’ why do we forget our own role in strengthening those ‘hands’ by giving in to them? As soon as we blame others the analysis reaches to its logical conclusion. Please do not stop the argument mid-way. Let it really reach to its logical end.
If ‘the Hindutva lobby has a vested interest in keeping Muslims forever ‘bogged down in controversies and conflicts’ how much of the blame do we also share? Knowing the conspiracy so well why do the organs of Jamaat-e-Islami itself speak the same language and are ‘bogged down’ by the ‘controversies’? The advice of being able to set the agenda and the goals is very timely. The advice of ‘focusing on the work of internal reform and development and think positively’ is quite welcome. How much of it is going to begin with the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind itself? How much the organs of Jamaat-e-Islami are going to focus on the internal reform of Muslims without being bogged down by the controversies. One of the forthcoming issues of Seh Roza Dawat will be about the Babari Masjid and Liberahan Commission Report, as per the announcement. Is this a controversial issue? If not, please mention which of the other issues are?
In addition, Muslim (and other) politicians, Hassan says, are ‘by and large selfish, corrupt and exploitative, and, with some exceptions, are simply not interested in addressing or solving the many problems of the community on which they actually thrive.’ Yet another factor is what Hassan sees as the lingering feudal mentality of large sections of the north Indian Muslim social, religious and political elites. ‘Many of them suffer from what can be called a Mughal hangover,’ he argues. One reflection of this, he says, is the continued presence of caste-based discrimination against so-called ‘low-caste’ Muslims (who form the majority of the Muslim community) by many so-called ashraaf Muslims, who claim foreign descent. ‘These caste-conscious elites want to do simply nothing at all for the poor of the community’, he rues.
How much the Jamaat itself is a part of the Mughal hangover and how much it itself thinks in terms of power needs to be debated. I, for one, did not ever find a single line to the effect of the spirit of Aligarh Movement that ‘having ceased to be rulers we lost one meritorious position. Now let us not lose the merit of being at least good citizens.’ Will the modern education, propounded by Prof. Hassan, not teach the students to be good and resourceful citizens in order to live with dignity, in the existing set-up? If by really doing very well the beneficiaries of the modern education become a part of the mainstream life of the country how will it facilitate towards the establishment of an Islamic State? We as the citizens of India would like to know the stand of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind on these important matters.
Hassan sees a distinct difference in the socio-cultural ethos of north and south Indian Muslims, which, he says, is one of the major reasons for the relatively better economic and educational status of the latter, particularly in Kerala. Kerala’s Muslims, who form around a quarter of the state’s population, are India’s most educationally advanced Muslim group. Hassan attributes their success to a relatively egalitarian social ethics, their historical role as traders, the role of successive Rajas (all Hindus) in the past, and various recent reform movements, not just Islamic but also anti-caste struggles and the strong communist presence in Kerala, all of which made for a general social awakening in Kerala Muslim society.
Furthermore, unlike in many other parts of India, Kerala Muslims have a sizeable middle-class that has worked together with the ‘ulama for Muslim social, educational and economic empowerment. ‘The rigid dualism between the ‘ulama and modern-educated Muslims, so characteristic of most of north India, is much less prominent in Kerala’, he explains, which accounts for the ability and willingness of large sections of the Kerala ulema to play a leading role in community reform and development efforts there, including in promoting modern education.
Although appreciative of the role of madrasas, which number in the tens of thousands across India, in providing religious education to Muslim children, Hassan suggests that they should also provide at least a basic modern education to their students. As long as they do not, he says, a major section of the community will continue to remain backward. He insists that there is no strict division between ‘religious’ and ‘secular’ education in Islam. He critiques conservative religious leaders who argue to the contrary, regarding them as not seriously concerned about the overall development of the Muslims. ‘I do not agree with their contention that mere religious education is enough, and that through it all our worldly problems will, or can, be automatically solved’, he says.
I fully endorse Prof. Hassan for suggesting that there is no strict dualism between ‘religious’ and ‘secular’ in education in Islam. However, when he rightly criticises the ‘Ulama for believing and advocating that the religious education will automatically solve all our ‘worldly’ problems I would request him for turning the searchlight inward a bit, too. In the seminar in Jamiatul Falah, as reported by the Seh Roza Dawat, 10 November 2009, Maulana Jalaluddin Ansar ‘Umari – national amir of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind - exhorted that “Without the fear of Almighty and righteousness no change is possible”. It is probably worth asking the Maulana here to explain how will this ‘fear of Almighty’ ‘automatically’ solve the problems? It needs to be explained in no uncertain terms and in a manner that it could be related to and applied in all walks of life without stalling the process of progress in which we want to assimilate those students whom we are going to equip with modern education. We need to have a step-by-step roadmap explaining the relevance of the ‘fear of Allah’ in quite understandable and relevant terms till it solves all our ‘worldly’ problems.
‘Islam teaches us that this world is the field of the life after death, and so we need to develop a socially-engaged understanding of our faith,’ Hasan tells me. That, he stresses, is the key to Muslim empowerment.
How this world is the ‘field of the life after death’ needs more elaboration in quite practical, analysable, measurable and understandable terms. While answering this question please do not forget the overall emphasis of the entire literature of Maulana Maududi and the fact that the secularism and democracy, which have given you the opportunities to devise ambitious plans and execute it too are all un-agreeable propositions, at least in their current forms, to the founder of the Jamaat-e-Islami. You cannot differ from him as you are still printing and publishing the same literature in huge amounts and also prescribe the comprehension of it – as a curriculum - for recruiting new members. I would like to know the link between the entire program that you have explained in this interview and the core philosophy of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind of which you have been amir of the Kerala state for several years.
Isn’t Prof. Hasan saying – in so many words – (without actually uttering it) that the policy adopted by Sir Syed Ahmad Khan is what is required today and not the one propounded by Maulana Syed Abul A‘la Maududi. It, however, needs to be endorsed publicly for channelizing the energies in the right direction, albeit lately.
Poochh us se ke maqbool hai fitrat ki gawaahee
Too saahebe manzil hai ke bhatkaa huwaa raahee
(Yoginder Sikand works with the Centre for the Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy at the National Law School, Bangalore.)
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